These reports demonstrate the depth of the relationship between foreign information technology companies and the Gaddafi regime, mirroring similar relationships with the repressive regimes of Tunsia, Egypt, Syria, and others in the Middle East.

In the case of Libya, it is now clear that prior to the rebellion, the regime emphasized surveillance and data gathering over filtering. With the onset of conflict, the Gaddafi regime scrambled to put in place filtering and blocking technologies, and employed outsiders to attack opposition sites and communications.

Former and current LTT staff speaks

Libya was collecting massive quantities of data on both phone networks and internet usage. In August, The Wall Street Journal described seeing surveillance equipment manufactured by Narus, a wholly owned subsidiary of Boeing, Inc., and Amesys, part of French company Bull S.A., in an abandoned security unit.

In recent conversations in Tripoli, sources who are current and former employees of Libya Telecom and Technology (LTT) have described the efforts of the Gaddafi regime to ramp up surveillance in the weeks after the rebellion. The efforts were led out of an Internet monitoring center run by the Interior Ministry in Tripoli, a center connected to Libyan security agencies. They describe recruitment of hackers from China and Eastern Europe to block key opposition sites and social media such as Facebook and YouTube, run phishing campaigns to steal Facebook passwords, and generate viruses to infect user computers and compromise data security. They also describe extensive efforts to eavesdrop on Skype, phone networks, and internet running through VSAT connections. This confirms earlier Global Voices reporting that describes “cyber attacks on [Libyan] opposition websites coming from Serbia.”

A backdoor to Thuraya satellite phones?

In addition, the same individuals assert that the Libyan government was able to gain backdoor access to voice and data on Thuraya satellite phones sold in Tripoli through official providers. Thuraya, who are based in the United Arab Emirates, deny they granted the Libyan government a backdoor.

Libya’s General Post and Telecommunications Corporation is a shareholder in Thuraya, but the relationship between the company and the Gaddafi regime has not always been smooth. In 2006, Libya was accused by Thuraya of jamming its mobile satellite communications. The jamming occurred over six months, and disrupted service in Libya and surrounding regions. In February 2011, Thuraya once again said that they had “conclusive evidence” that Libya was jamming signals on its Thuraya-2 satellite network.

Ebrahim E. Ebrahim, Thuraya’s Vice-President for Corporate & Marketing Communications, referred to the February incident in an email interview and says, Thuraya’s network “was subjected to harmful and unlawful interference in Libya, which we have evidence to suggest was intentional,” but that the “alleged backdoor never existed, which is why our network was subjected to the intentional jamming.”

Thuraya and other satellite phones have been used by media and NGOs during protests in authoritarian countries with the hope of data security – an assumption that may be misplaced, given the sophisticated technology available to monitor telecommunications networks. Thuraya says there are around 3000 subscribers to its service in Libya – with a focus on rural access where cell networks do not reach.

In the weeks before the rebel attack on Tripoli, Gaddafi threatened death to anyone using Thuraya phones not registered in Libya. This may suggest that unregistered Thuraya phones were perceived as a threat by the government.

Is the Libyan internet safe now?

Libya has been able to legally purchase internet technology since the end of international trade sanctions in 2003 and 2004, following Gaddafi's disavowal of a weapons of mass destruction program and reparations payments for the Lockerbie airplane bombing. By several accounts Libya invested in technology manufactured in North America, Europe, and China, used to monitor and capture data on both internet and telephone networks.

In interviews, current and former employees of Libya Telecom and Technology assert that the Chinese companies Huawei and ZTE provided Libya with software for content filtering and blocking. The core Libyan internet has been built using technology from global providers, such as Cisco, Nera Networks, Alcatel-Lucent, Siemens Ericcson, and Huawei and ZTE.

Surveillance of these networks accompanied by occasional filtering and blocking by the Gaddafi regime has been public knowledge for several years. The Open Network Initiative's study from August 2009 asserts that Libya practiced selective filtering, but significant surveillance at both the personal level in internet cafes and other public access points.

Libyans under Gaddafi were very wary about both personal and electronic surveillance. Many bloggers stayed far away from politically sensitive material, or published their work pseudonymously or anonymously. Citizen media remained dispersed, with active bloggers meeting rarely and never in large groups. This practice, it seems, was wise. The return of internet to Libya after the fall of Tripoli has meant the end of censorship and surveillance, at least in its earlier form. However, many bloggers and activists using social media remain cautious about revealing their identity, what they write, and where they are.

Given Libya’s uncertain political future, personal and data security will likely remain a key concern for Libyan citizens for some time.

Written by Ivan Sigal · comments (2)
Share: facebook · twitter · reddit · StumbleUpon · delicious · Instapaper

From Morocco to Bahrain, everyday people have taken on the cast iron hold of dictatorships and absolute monarchies resulting in an extraordinary collective awakening that has paved the way for epochal change in the region. The youth movement, which lies at the core of the uprisings, continues to play a prominent role in the pro-democracy and pro-reform demonstrations, which have swept through the region, unabated by government clampdowns or concessions.

To date, there have been revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, a civil war in Libya, major protests in Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Iraq, Jordan, Syria, Oman, Iran and Yemen and minor protests in Kuwait, Lebanon, Mauritania, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Western Sahara. The protests have also triggered similar unrest outside the region, including in Azerbaijan. Fuelled by unemployment, restrictions on freedom of expression and government corruption, the protests proved to be the ultimate litmus test for government’s tolerance of freedom of assembly and freedom of expression, across the Middle East and North Africa.

The response from a number of governments has included indiscriminately firing on protesters - resulting in at least a thousand deaths and thousands of wounded - shutting down the internet and phone lines, the jamming of Al-Jazeera’s satellite and other international broadcasters, and further clamping down on press freedom whilst also offering concessions in some cases. A clear example of this dichotomy is currently unravelling in Syria, where the entire Syrian cabinet resigned as a concession to protesters on March 29 2011 but where security forces killed at least 25 pro-democracy protesters in Homs on April 17 2011.

The determination of the protesters across the region to keep the movement “peaceful,” and their success at doing so despite significant state violence has been commended by the international community. These men, women and children who have taken to the streets are part of an unprecedented movement that has built sufficient momentum over the past months to influence the current scope of events. How we, the international community, respond to this movement and support the transition process in post-revolutionary countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, will come to define our work in the region for years to come.

ARTICLE 19 urges Arab states to grasp this opportunity to begin a process of real democratisation, with the respect of freedom of expression at its core. The transition and reform processes require, and should be based on, freedom of expression and freedom of the press, transparency, and the ability of all, men and women, religious and other minorities and vulnerable groups, to speak out and participate equally and without fear in the reform process and the democratic running of their country. The stability of the region relies on such stewardship.

ARTICLE 19 is also calling on Arab governments to hold an independent and transparent investigation into the violations that have taken place over the last months, determine all responsibilities, including the line of command, and bring to justice those responsible. The right to know is a fundamental human right which takes on particular importance in situations, such as those in the Arab world, where people are disappeared, imprisoned, beaten and tortured, or worse still, killed in mysterious circumstances and secrecy.

Social Media, Grass Root Activism and the Arab Uprisings

As one Egyptian activist succinctly tweeted during the protests there, “we use Facebook to schedule the protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world.“

Today, more than ever, access to electronic media, the ability to spread ideas online and the cyber activism that this enables have emerged as essential elements to popular movements for greater freedom and, perhaps more surprisingly, even essential to 21st Century revolutions. This is the human rights revelation of the extraordinary cascade of revolutions which are springing up across the region.

In Tunisia, grassroots and independent digital activists such as Nawaat and Tunileaks and bloggers including Fatma Riahi, all of whom the regime had tirelessly sought to repress, played a key role in disseminating information during the uprisings. While the protests that eventually led to the toppling of Ben Ali took root in the rural and marginalised heartlands of Tunisia - far from the national and international spotlight - coverage of the subsequent police brutality, sniper shootings, and wounded protesters in hospitals first came via posts on Facebook and Twitter, and in footage on Flickr and YouTube.

Journalists & Cyber Activists: In the Line of Fire

Although the ripple effects of the uprisings differ from country to country, the ongoing persecution of journalists and cyber activists remains a serious cause for concern for ARTICLE 19. Against this backdrop of continued unrest, a disturbing pattern of violence, harassment and intimidation against journalists, cyber activists and bloggers covering widespread civil unrest is emerging.

There have been widespread allegations of human rights violations and disappearances during the prodemocracy protests, and many journalists, human rights defenders, bloggers and cyber activists have been detained in a number of countries, including in Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen and Syria. Accusations of torture of protesters and journalists especially in Syria and Bahrain are beginning to emerge, as the scale of government clampdowns is emerging.

ARTICLE 19 calls for the immediate release of all imprisoned peaceful protesters and political prisoners, including journalists and bloggers that are being detained in the context of pro-democracy protests. In addition, the authorities should immediately investigate and disclose the fate and whereabouts all those who are missing, and immediately inform their families.

Libya

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has documented more than 80 attacks on the press since political unrest erupted in Libya last month. They include four fatalities: Ali Hassan Al Jaber, a Qatari cameraman working for Al-Jazeera, Mohamed Al-Nabous, a Libyan journalist and blogger and more recently, two photojournalists were killed - Vanity Fair’s Tim Hetherington and Chris Hondros, a US photojournalist working for Getty Images.

According to reports, there has been 49 detentions, 11 assaults, two attacks on news facilities, the jamming of Al-Jazeera and Al-Hurra transmissions, at least four instances of obstruction, the expulsion of two international journalists, and the interruption of Internet services. At least 18 journalists and media workers, including at least six Libyan journalists and nine foreign journalists are missing or in government custody.

The disappearance of foreign media workers started taking place shortly after the Libyan authorities asked journalists from different international news outlets to leave the country within 24 hours. The government has also decided not to issue new visas for journalists who wish to cover the unfolding conflict.

Amongst the scores of disappearance cases, ARTICLE 19 received reports from Benghazi that three journalist Hassan Zeitouni, an Algerian journalist, Majdi Hilal, Egyptian cameraman and Mohammad Al-Shoueihdi, 26-year-old Libyan cameraman from Benghazi went missing in Ajdabiya in the late afternoon of April 6 2011 when they drove out of town towards the frontline around al-Breiqa. The first news of their detention came on April 8 2011 at midnight, when Libyan national TV showed Zeitouni criticising Benghazi and praising Tripoli.

According to reports, there are good reasons to believe that he did so under pressure. Since then, Zeitouni has been released, but the whereabouts of Hilal and Al-Shoueihdi have yet to be established. The families of the disappeared journalists have not heard from either of them.

ARTICLE 19 is calling on Libyan authorities to immediately provide information on the whereabouts of all journalists detained or missing in Libya.

Egypt

In post-revolution Egypt, the freedom of expression situation in the country took a major blow when the Egyptian military introduced a new requirement requesting that local print media obtain approval for all mentions of the armed forces before publication. In a letter to editors dated March 22 2011, the director of the Morale Affairs Directorate of the Egyptian military, Maj. Gen. Ismail Mohamed Othman demanded that they do not “publish any (topics, news, statements, complaints, advertisements, pictures) pertaining to the Armed Forces or to commanders of the Armed Forces without first consulting with the Morale Affairs Directorate and the Directorate of Military Intelligence and Information Gathering, as they are the authorities specialized in reviewing such issues, [in an effort to] ensure the security and safety of the homeland.”

The first casualty of this law is Maikel Nabil, a blogger who campaigned against conscription and criticised the army's role during anti-government protests , and who was arrested on March 28 2011, after criticising the military in his blogs. According to reports, his blog posts and comments on social networking website Facebook were used as evidence against him in the trial.

ARTICLE 19 is calling on the Egyptian military authorities to remain true to the spirit of the revolution, to repeal the requirement requesting that local print media obtain approval for all mentions of the armed forces and to immediately release blogger Maike Nabil. ARTICLE 19 is concerned with the slow pace of reforms initiated, particularly with regard to the 30-year-old state of emergency which is still in place. ARTICLE 19 calls for all provisions of the Emergency Law to be repealed.

Syria

As the crackdown on human rights defenders, political activists, protesters and journalists reporting on anti-government protests continues across the country, cases of torture and ill treatment in detention are emerging. In Madaya, a suburb of Damascus, the capital, four seventeen-year-olds, were recently handcuffed and taken from their classrooms for spraying anti-government graffiti. This follows on from an incident last week which saw fifteen teenagers arrested for writing anti-government graffiti on walls in Daraa.

ARTICLE 19 has also received reports from family members of journalists who have been forcibly disappeared and whose whereabouts remain unknown, including the Alabiya.net reporter Mohamad Zaid Mastou. Zaid Mastou was arrested on April 6 2011 by Syrian authorities while he was in a cyber cafe in Damascus. According to eyewitness reports, Zaid Mastou was beaten by government authorities during his abduction before being taken off to an undisclosed location.

Zaid Mastou had returned to Syria few days before the outbreak of demonstrations in the last month and was covering the confrontations between security forces and protesters for Alabiya.net. His family have not received any news from him since his arrest. Despite numerous requests, government authorities have refused to provide his family with any information. The situation in the country remains critical: Over 350 individuals have allegedly been killed since the protests began, at least 120 since Friday alone. The security forces have shown no restraint, using live fire ammunition against unarmed protesters. The vast majority were killed for expressing their views in the context of peaceful protests

ARTICLE 19 is calling on the Syrian government to put an immediate stop to the heavy handed and violent crackdown on the protests and the protesters and resulting violations of key human rights, including the right to freedom of expression. In addition, ARTICLE 19 is also calling for an immediate independent investigation into the killings, use of torture and ill treatment, and other violations committed by government forces.

Bahrain

At least 30 people have been killed since anti-government protests by Bahrain's Shiite majority began in February. Hundreds have been detained in the crackdown on the rebellion. Last month, the Sunni-led state saw the worst sectarian clashes since the 1990s after mainly Shia protestors, emboldened by uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia, took to the streets. As part of a crackdown on pro-democracy protestors in the Gulf Arab Kingdom, a human rights lawyer and at least two doctors have been detained, and there have been at least 4 reported cases of deaths in custody.

In addition, Zakariya Rashid Hassan al-Ashiri, a blogger who moderated and wrote for a website that covers news and other developments in his village of al-Dair, died under mysterious circumstances while in government custody on April 16 2011. He was charged with disseminating false news and inciting hatred, the BBC reported. Karim Fakhrawi, founder and board member of Al-Wasat, the country's premier independent daily, also died in custody under mysterious circumstances. The government has accused AlWasat of “deliberate news fabrication and falsification.” Since then, the government has announced it will file criminal charges against three of the paper's senior editors and has deported two other senior staffers.

Fakhrawi died on April 12 2011, a week after he was apparently taken into custody.

ARTICLE 19 is calling on the Bahraini government to put an immediate stop to the heavy handed and violent crackdown on the protests, and the violation of the right to freedom of expression, including the right of the press to report on the events. ARTICLE 19 calls on Bahraini authorities to conduct an independent and transparent investigation into the death in state custody of both Al-Ashiri and Fakhrawi, and into the killings, use of torture and ill treatment, and other violations committed by the Bahraini security forces.

NOTES TO EDITORS:

• For more information please contact: Mona Samari, Senior Press Officer ARTICLE 19 + 44 207 324 2510 or email mona@article19.org
• ARTICLE 19 is an independent human rights organisation that works around the world to protect and promote the right to freedom of expression. It takes its name from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which guarantees free speech.

Written by Guest Contributor · comments (0)
Share: facebook · twitter · reddit · StumbleUpon · delicious · Instapaper

On my own blog, I framed the question slightly differently, asking:

The normative question in relation to the Internet (mobile is obviously a different story) is, then, how much do basic indicators like Internet and mobile penetration affect the effectiveness of such tools for organizational or revolutionary purposes? Or, can a tiny group of Internet users influence a countrywide movement?

But in comparing the role of the Internet in Egypt (where most accounts* put Internet penetration between 20-25%) and Tunisia (which hovers closer to 35%) to the potential role of the Internet in other countries, one must take into consideration the access in that country. In Libya, for example, access to the Internet is only available to about 5% of the population. Statistics on individual social media sites are also important when analyzing their role in a protest movement. CNN has an excellent map of Facebook and Internet penetration in the Middle East and North Africa here.

This chart compares Internet and mobile penetration in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya

Blogger Andrew Trench recently presented a theory on the threshold of when Internet penetration starts to matter, writing:

Social networks have also been given plenty of credit for the revolution unfolding in Egypt.

So I went and had a look at the numbers over on www.internetworldstats.com to see what they could tell us about these two scenarios. Well, fascinatingly, both Egypt and Tunisia have seen a massive growth in internet users and internet penetration over the last 10 years.
Both have now got internet penetration of over 20% and in Tunisia's case it was as high as 34%.

While it is clearly simplistic to over-state this factor and there must be many more drivers contributing to such a rapid political uprising, it is obviously a factor as evidenced by the Egyptian regime pulling the plug on the country's internet access to try and block the rising tide of revolt.

My back-of-napkin theory is this: that a rapid increase in internet penetration in a repressive regime does play an important role as it provides an unfettered channel of communication allowing disaffected citizens to share views - and more importantly - to rapidly organise and mobilise.

If Egypt and Tunisia are valid case studies, it looks like internet penetration of around 20% is the mark.

Geopolitics & Macroeconomics adds:

Internet penetration: Social networking sites were critical to sustaining the momentum in the recent protests. The internet penetration in Egypt is 16%. In Libya, it is a meagre 5% [1]. The unrest in Libya has thus far remained concentrated in regions that are geographically distant from the seat of ‘real' power (see more on this below). The dependence of momentum on internet communication is far greater in Libya than in Egypt where protests began in Cairo itself.

Taking the conversation to Pakistan, Sabene Saigol writes, on BrandRepublic:

Perhaps one reason for this is that we're still not that used to communicating via the ‘net - maybe we need greater broadband and internet penetration. Personally I think it is more to do with culture - while Pakistani internet users are savvy to using social media to connect with friends, I feel they have not yet ‘crossed over' to seeing SM as a means for professional communications - or even wider social communications that go beyond their immediate circle. Yes, there are no doubt savvy people - both within marketing and tech circles, and outside - however, these people are likely a tiny proportion of the total number of ‘net and social media users.

One map compares the number of people at university to the number of people online

The role of mobile receives perhaps even less media attention than the role of other technologies. And yet, mobile penetration is higher across the region than Internet, with only Yemen, the occupied Palestinian territories, and Syria reporting fewer than 50% mobile subscribers. Several countries in the Middle East and North Africa, including Saudi Arabia, Oman, and the UAE, boasted mobile subscriber rates of over 100%. MobileActive has detailed mobile data by country.

Micah Sifry, writing for TechPresident, has also considered mobile, arguing:

The biggest factor in the unfolding events, to me, appears to be the emergent power of young people, compounded by how urbanized they are and how connected they are by mobile phones.

If you look at the available data on degree of internet penetration, number of mobile cellular subscriptions per 100 people, percentage of population under the age of 15 and degree of urbanization, what jumps out is how the last three factors seem to matter more.

Image from Micah Sifry; Sources: MobileActive.org, InternetWorldStats.com, GlobalHealthFacts.org

Sifry adds:

With the exception of Yemen, mobile coverage in the other five countries I've focused on–Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Jordan and Iran–hovers between 98% and 100%.

Finally, the pace of mobile phone penetration has exploded, far faster than internet penetration. With the exception of Jordan, which boasted a 23% mobile phone subscription rate in 2002, in the other five countries mobile ownership was in the single digits–just six percent in Egypt and Tunisia back then. That has skyrocketed in 2007 to 76% in Tunisia and 40% in Egypt, according to MobileActive.org.

Could it be that what we're witnessing is the political coming of age of Generation TXT?

*For those interested in learning more about Internet penetration globally, there are two main organizations which track such data: the International Telecommunications Union, and the World Bank. Their statistics sometimes differ. The website Internet World Stats aggregates their data, as well as the data from smaller or more localized institutions.

This article was originally posted on Global Voices.

Written by Jillian York · comments (1)
Share: facebook · twitter · reddit · StumbleUpon · delicious · Instapaper

And while Google didn't confirm the ban of it's service in Libya, the Libyan al-Manara newspaper reported, citing an informed source in the LLT, that the ban is temporary and was meant “to ease pressure on the Network by the users of the website [Youtube] inside Libya“.

However, and according to Human Rights Watch it seems that Youtube was blocked after videos of family members of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and of demonstrations in Benghazi by families of prisoners who were killed in Abu Salim prison in 1996, were published on the video sharing website.

The move has worried Libyan bloggers who fear that the ban will be expanded to include their personal blogs. Some Facebook groups, like “We want YouTube back in Libya“, have been set up to protest the ban and provide instructions for how to use proxy servers to bypass it.

Written by Sami Ben Gharbia · comments (3)
Share: facebook · twitter · reddit · StumbleUpon · delicious · Instapaper

Political opposition websites in North African countries, particularly in Tunisia, Libya and Mauritania, are becoming a primary target of hackers. This new phenomenon of defacing opposition and dissident websites emerged first in Tunisia, where at least 14 15 websites and blogs were targeted between 2007 and 2008, and seems to be spreading across the region as a result of the attempt to muzzle free speech both online and offline.

Even though it is not clear yet who is behind these hacking attacks, North African opposition leaders and owners of the targeted websites all agree that their regimes are behind this new way of cracking down on oppositional activities online.

Naziha Rejiba, from the Tunisian online kalima magazine and Deputy President of the Observatory for the Freedom of Press, Publishing and Creation in Tunisia (OLPEC), was summoned recently to appear before a public prosecutor, after she openly accused the Tunisian authorities to be behind the destruction of Kalima website, in October 2008.

In a statement protesting the hacking of Libyan oppositional websites, the Libyan league for Human Rights (LLHR) and Libya Human and Political Development Forum [in Arabic] also accused the Libyan authorities of orchestrating these Cyber attacks.

In Mauritania, and while Sahara Media, considered to be the first news site in the country, accused “national and foreign parties” of hacking its website, Sheikh Ould Ahmad Amin, editor in chief of Anbaa, another hacked website, told Menassat that “the current military regime that ousted the first elected government in Mauritania, is directly or indirectly linked to what happened.“

Libya

According to a statement by the Libyan league for Human Rights (LLHR) issued on January 19 2009, six Libyan oppositional websites were hacked into and shut down in January 2009. The hackers defaced the websites and displayed content from the Algathafi, a personal websites that contains the thoughts and visions of the Libyan president Muammar al-Gaddafi. Five from the six targeted websites remain off-line:

1. Akhbar Libya
2. Justice For Libya
3. The New Libya
4. Libya Human and Political Development Forum
5. Transparency Libya
6. Akhbar al-Inkadh

Mauritania

According to Hack In The Box website, at least two influential Mauritanian websites were hacked in november 2008. Both websites are critical of the military junta led by General Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz:

The Sahara Media news agency, considered the first news site in Mauritania, was also disabled for one to two days, while anbaa was not only hacked, but its office in Nouakchott was vandalised and computers were stolen, said Maloum, who is the coordinator of the For Mauritania website, a lobby group.

The attack against the Anbaa website seems to be connected to the website's intent to publish content related to scandals involving politicians and senior public figures in the country.

Tunisia

As highlighted in a previous report on Global Voices Advocacy, almost every single Tunisian opposition website and self-hosted blog has been the victim of one or more hacking incidents. Given the frequency of the attacks and the nature of the targeted websites and blogs, there is a strong feeling among Tunisian opposition figures and Human Rights defenders that the government is carrying out these cyber-attacks. “I would not rule out the possibility that this act was committed by the secret services, with the aid of hackers or pirates based in Tunisia or abroad,” Kalima editor-in-chief Sihem Bensedrine said.

This is a non comprehensive list of targeted blogs and websites between July 6th, 2007 and November 05th, 2008:

2007
1. The online protest Ben Ali Yezzi Fock! (November 7th, 2007) - the website was hacked and completely deleted.
2. Tunisia Watch, (July 26th, 2007)
3. Tunisnews (December 6th, 2007)
4. PDP Info (October 17th, 2007)
5. CPR, the website of the banned opposition party the Congress for the Republic (September 10th 2007)
6. Slim Boukhdhir Blog (July 6th, 2007) his blog got hacked and completely deleted.
7. Reveil Tunisien (December 21th, 2007) the website got hacked and completely deleted.

2008

8. Nawaat (June 16th, 2008)
9. Tunis Online (January 19th, 2008)
10. Moncef Marzouki personal website (June 9th 2008)
11. Astrubal's Blog (June 16th, 2008)
12. Sami Ben Gharbia's Blog (June 16th, 2008)
13. Kalima (October 8th, 2008)
14. Liqaa (October 2nd, 2008)
15. Tunisnews (November 05th, 2008)
16. PDP Info (November 05th, 2008)
17. Tunis Carthage (October 25th, 2008)

Written by Sami Ben Gharbia · comments (4)
Share: facebook · twitter · reddit · StumbleUpon · delicious · Instapaper